четверг, 29 мая 2014 г.

Pragmalinguistics: Theory and Practice

"Pragmalinguistics"  or  the  occupation  with  pragmatic  aspects  of  language  can  be  important  where computational  linguists  or  artificial  intelligence  researchers  are  concerned  with  natural  language  interfaces  to  computers,  with  modelling  dialogue  behavior, or  the  like.  What  speakers  intend  with  their  utterances,  how  hearers  react  to  what  they  hear,  and  what  they take  the  words  to  mean  will  all  play  a  role  of  increasing  importance  when  natural  language  systems  have matured  enough  to  cope  readily  with  syntax  and  semantics.  Asking  a  sensible  question  to  a  user  or  giving him  a  reasonable  response  often  enough  depends  not only  on  the  "pure"  meaning  of  some  previous  utterances  but  also  on  attitudes,  expectations,  and  intentions  that  the  user  may  have.  These  are  partly  conveyed  in  the  user's  utterances  and  have  to  be  taken into  account,  if  a  system  is  to  do  more  than  just  give factual  answers  to  factual  requests.
Thus  someone  who  wants  to  construct  a  natural language  system  might  look  at  Mey's  book  Pragmalinguistics  with  some  expectations  as  to  what  he  should consider  or  what  guidelines  he  should  follow,  or  maybe just  to  find  out  what  the  current  state  of  the  art  in pragmatics  is.  However,  he  will  find  little  of  that  in this  book.  Pragmalinguistics  is  a  collection  of  articles dealing  with  many  different  thingssome  of  the  articles  could  instead  of  being  called  pragmatic  or  pragmalinguistic  be  labelled  sociolinguistic.  Most  authors that  have  contributed  to  this  volume  are  located  in Scandinavia,  and  thus  maybe  it  gives  a  good  impression  of  the  concerns  of  North  European  linguists. The  article  by  Bang  and  Door  gives  a  critique  of the  linguistic  theories  of  Lyons,  Habermas,  Bernstein, and  Ehlich  and  Rehbein  from  a  Marxist  point  of  view. The  article  by  Qvortrup  criticizes  Transformational Grammar--and  in  particular  the  Language  Acquisition Devicemagain  from  a  Marxist  point  of  view  and  with a  breath-taking  ignorance  of  what  TG  is  all  about. Lindberg's  article  on  units  of  speech  is  trivial  and Utaker's  on  semantics  is  outdated. Blakar  writes  on  language  as  a  means  of  social power.  His  paper  is  anecdotal;  he  draws  conclusions without  stating  from  what  premises;  and  he  is  on  the whole  not  very  explicit.  Gregersen  postulates  in  his article  on  the  relationships  between  social  class  and language  usage  that  an  economic  analysis  of  "objective class  positions"  has  to  precede  sociolinguistic  studies proper,  but  fails  to  show  how  the  results  of  such  an analysis  will  influence  sociolinguistics. Haeberlin  writes  on  class-specific  vocabulary  as  a communication  problem.  His  ideas  have  been  published  before  and  in  more  detail.  But  he  at  least makes  substantial  and  concrete  claims,  and  he  has  a reasonable  framework  for  his  research,  even  though  he admits  that  the  results  he  has  obtained  in  his  statistical studies  are  only  preliminary  in  nature.  He  found,  for instance,  that  members  of  the  middle  class  have  a higher  ability  to  gather  the  meanings  of  new  words  in conversations  than  members  of  the  lower  class  do. Jacobsen  writes  on  language  and  emotions  much  from the  point  of  view  of  a  psychotherapist.  The  emphasis of  his  article  is  more  on  explaining  emotions  than  on explaining  the  relationship  between  language  and  emotions. Olsen's  paper  is  on  psychopathology,  interaction and  pragmatic  linguistics.  Sondergaard's  topic  is  the neurolinguistic  concept  of  the  ontogenesis  and  disinte- gration  of  smooth  articulation. Andersen  is  concerned  with  the  syntax  of  texts  and the  syntax  of  actions.  He  has  been  influenced  by work  done  at  SRI  International,  and  his  analysis  of actions  resembles  the  SRI  action  graphs.  It  may  be worthwhile  to  look  at  the  differences  in  detail.  Bjerg wites  on  public  speech  acts,  and  Gloy  states  some postulates  for  a  theory  of  linguistic  manipulation. Schank's  article--the  only  one  in  the  book  that carries  the  term  computational  in  its  title--gives  a  summary  of  Conceptual  Dependency  Theory  because  he

feels  that  is  the  (only?)  prerequisite  for  computational pragmatics. In  his  closing  paper  on  critical  language  theory  Mey points  out  a  number  of  phenomena  having  to  do  with the  pragmatics  of  natural  language  that  should  be  dealt with  by  an  integrated  linguistic  theory. Pragmalinguistics  is  a  book  with  an  unfortunate history,  which  delayed  its  publication  for  a  long  time maybe  for  too  long.  It  is  not  very  useful  for  some- one  who  expects  concrete  results  applicable  to  the construction  of  a  natural  language  system.  But  it  may be  of  interest  anyway,  as  it  gives  a  different  (often Marxist)  perspective  on  linguistic  phenomena  that some  may  not  have  considered  to  be  linguistic  phenomena  at  all. 

Politeness Strategies and Face

The aspects of  face (i.e., a self-image or impression of oneself presented publicly) are studied within the theories of politeness among which a prominent place is held by Brown and Levinson´s (1987) model. They claim that in any social interaction participants devote much of their time to face-work, i.e., strategies attending to aspects of their own face (viz. attempting not to lose it) as well as of other´s face (not threatening it by performing a face-threatening act, such as requesting, denying an invitation, rejecting an offer, or an other-repair, cf. 8.2).  There are two types of face: negative face (the freedom of indvidual action, a desire to be unimpeded) and  positive face (the need to be treated as equal, a desire for approval).

  Corresponding to these are the two types of strategies: negative politeness strategies (strategies of independence, also called deference politeness strategies) attend to hearer´s negative face and include the use of expressions indicative of indirectness, tentativeness, impersonality, social distance: mitigators (Sorry to interrupt, but...), euphemisms and politically correct language; positive politeness strategies (strategies of involvement, also called  solidarity politeness strategies) attempt to save hearer´s positive face by emphasizing closeness, intimacy, commonality and rapport.  The key factors determining the choice of appropriate strategy are, a) the relationship between participants, i.e., their relative power (social status) difference, and their social distance (the degree of closeness), and, b) the degree of imposition/urgency (K.C.C.Kong (1998) adds a mutual expectation of relationship continuity  as another factor). Depending on the degree of threat upon the addressee´s face, five politeness strategies can be identified: a) bald-on-record (open, direct) in case the risk of loss of face is minimum (Fetch me some water), b)  solidarity politeness which addresses the common ground (I know I can always rely on you, could you lend me your typewriter?), c) deference politeness, when the imposition is serious (I hate to impose on you but I wonder if you could possibly let me use your computer?), d) off record, an imposition is so great that it must be proffered indirectly  (I´m all out of money - this may be a source of ambiguity since it is up to the hearer to interpret this as a request), e) not saying anything, since the threat of loss of face is too great (for the politeness strategies employed in radio phone-in talk shows see Ferenčík (2002b)). From the viewpoint of language users´ intentions, their choices from the total pool of resources and the effects upon other participants, the legitimacy of the pragmatic perspective for stylistically-oriented study can hardly be denied.

Politeness Principle

As can be seen from the previous examples, the maxims of CP are often conventionally suppressed in favour of maintaining the ´social equilibrium´ which may be just as important as the cooperation itself (it may even be more important as in  white lies, i.e., minor, polite, or harmless lies). The need not to cause any damage to and to uphold each others´  face (e.g., not criticizing the quality of service or food in the restaurant directly) is the central problem of the theories of politeness. G. Leech (1983) proposes the six maxims of Politeness Principle (PP) as a way of complementing the CP and thus ´rescuing´ it from serious ´trouble´ (i.e., accounting for the situations when a strict adherence to CP would be unacceptable):  tact, generosity, approbation, modesty, agreement, sympathy.  The tact maxim regulates the operation of the directive speech acts (which are marked with highest face-threatening potential) and addresses the dominant type of politeness which, with regard to the addressee, can be ´measured´ on the  cost-benefit scale: the more costly an action, the less polite it is, and, conversely, the more beneficial it is to the addressee, the more polite it is. This helps explain why, for example, imperative mood is not necessarily associated with impoliteness: Bring me some water vs. Have another drink. Next, optionality scale is used to rank options according to the degree of choice offered to the addressee - the degree of politeness matches the degree of indirectness (tentativeness), and, vice versa, increased directness results in greater impoliteness (e.g., Lend me your car vs. Do you think you could possibly lend me your car?). It appears that while imperatives offer little option of whether or not to comply  with the action requested (Give me some change), questions (Have you got a quarter, by any chance?), hypothetical formulations (Could I borrow some money?), and ones using negatives (You couldn´t lend me a dollar, could you?) provide greater freedom to deny that request. Of course, politeness formulae (please) can always be added to give extra politeness. We should also differentiate between  absolute and  relative politeness; in the absolute sense, Lend me your car is less polite than  I hope you don´t mind my asking, but I wonder if it might be at all possible for you to lend me your car. However, in some situations, the former request could be overpolite (among family members) and the latter one impolite (as an ironic remark). 

Cooperative Principle

What is implied can be, and often is, ´strategically manipulated´ with (the s.c.  strategic avoidance of expliciteness, Verschueren 1999), if not for outright lying, then certainly for attaining our goals in mundane conversational encounters. The  conversational implicature was proposed (H.P.Grice) as a rational model guiding conversational interaction. Better known as the Cooperative Principle (CP), it includes four conversational maxims: quantity, quality, relation, manner  (Sperber and Wilson 1986 in their Relevance Theory superimpose the principle of  relevance  over other maxims). Although presupposed to be adhered to by the participants, the maxims are often deliberately flouted, e.g., in phatic or small talk (quantity), ´white lies´ (quality), humour, irony, teasing, banter, puns (manner), topic shift, seemingly irrelevant remarks whose relevance is implied and may only be disclosed by inference (relation). Some  tropes (figures of speech) are  built on the breach of CP:  hyperbole(exaggeration: to wait an eternity), litotes (understatement, esp. that in which an affirmative is expressed by the negative of its contrary: not bad at all), tautology (repetition: War is war, and there will be losers), paraphrase, euphemism, metaphor and esp. irony (conveys a meaning that is the opposite of its literal meaning: How nice! said after someone´s  I failed another exam). The maxims of CP are succesfully applied in literary stylistics, for example in order to draw ´pragmatic portraits´ of fictional heroes (Leech 1992, Ferenčík 1999b). 

Speech Acts

The theory of  speech acts (J.L.Austin and J.R.Searle) concerns the language user´s intention to attain certain communicative goals by performing acts through the use of language. From the stylistic perspective, Austin´s three types of speech act (locutionary, illocutionary, perlocutionary) are of special relevance, since it is esp. the variety of possible illocutions (i.e., uses which language can be put to) which offers innumerable choices. The types of speech acts as proposed by Searle (assertives, directives, commissives, expressives, declarations) are (loosely) associated with certain lingusitic categories (utterance types) (cf. Tárnyiková 1985). Of special significance is the relation between locution (locutionary meaning or propositional meaning) and illocution (illocutionary meaning, or illocutionary force) as this is not always of the one-to-one type: one locution may have more than one illocution. For example, The dinner is ready may be announcement, invitation, threat, command, etc. Conventionally, this utterance will be interpreted as an invitation to join the table rather than an announcement, hence an example of an indirect speech act. The use of indirect illocutions in preference to direct ones is often driven by the need to protect partner´s face (i.e., politeness concerns, esp. in requests and refusals, see 8.2). Similarly, the strategy of hedging is used to play down the illocutionary force of utterances (while demonstrating the metapragmatic awareness by explicitly referring to CP maxims) while employing a variety of linguistic manifestations (hedges, mitigators:  sort of, kind of, in a sense, I hate to say this, partial agreement before presenting disagreement: Yes, but..., using performatives in business correspondence: We are sorry to have to tell you..., etc.).

Weasel words are used to temper the straightforwardness of a statement making thus one's views equivocal (e.g., borrow instead of  steal,  crisis instead of war); in the pejorative sense they help avoid responsibility for one´s claim (e.g., The results of the experiment appear to be in direct contradiction with the stated hypotheses). Explicit use of performative verbs may cause a shift in formality level and create an atmosphere of authoritative claim (Sit down, I beg you).  

Deixis and Presupposition

The phenomenon of deixis fixes the utterance in the physical (temporal and spatial deixis, see Reference, 5.1.1) and social (social deixis, which includes  person deixis and  attitudinal deixis, see also 9.1) context of its use. Deixis, which may also be used ´self-referentially´ to point to itself (discourse deixis, see Endophoric reference, 5.1.1), is realized by  indexical (deictic) expressions, such as personal and possessive pronouns,  adverbials, verbal categories of person and tense, but also by politeness and phatic formulae. Presupposition represents the amount of information assumed to be known by participants (background knowledge, common ground) and has direct impact on how much is explicitly said and how much remains implicit. Since it is normally not necessary, let alone possible, to be fully explicit, a certain level of balance is strived for by the participants who take into consideration various factors (see 3.2); for example, the medium of writing tends to be more explicit as participants do not share the time and space, often an unknown (general) addressee is projected with whom the amount of the shared knowledge can only be estimated.  

Pragmalinguistics and Stylistics

While the field of pragmatics in its widest sense is constituted of many diverse approaches (without clear-cut boundaries) united by a common  functional (social, cultural, cognitive) perspective on language in communication (cf. Verschueren 1999), pragmalinguistics (linguistic pragmatics, pragmatic linguistics, internal pragmatics) focuses primarily (though not exclusively) on the study of linguisitic phenomena (i.e., code) from the point of view of their usage. As it is impossible to offer an exhaustive definition of pragmatics, it might be easier simply to present a list of the topics studied: deixis, implicature, presupposition, speech acts and aspects of discourse structure (cf. Levinson 1983; for the scope of pragmatics and the detailed coverage of its major topics see Tárnyiková 2000).  

вторник, 27 мая 2014 г.

Abbreviated multiplication formulas


Fusional languages

Morphemes in fusional languages are not readily distinguishable from the root or among themselves. Several grammatical bits of meaning may be fused into one affix. Morphemes may also be expressed by internal phonological changes in the root (i.e. morphophonology), such as consonant gradation and vowel gradation, or by suprasegmental features such as stress or tone, which are of course inseparable from the root.
Most Indo-European languages are fusional to a varying degree. A remarkably high degree of fusionality is also found in certain Sami languages such as Skolt Sami.
Polysynthetic languages
In 1836, Wilhelm von Humboldt proposed a third category for classifying languages, a category that he labeled polysynthetic. (The term polysynthesis was first used in linguistics by Peter Stephen DuPonceau who borrowed it from chemistry.) These languages have a high morpheme-to-word ratio, a highly regular morphology, and a tendency for verb forms to include morphemes that refer to several arguments besides the subject (polypersonalism). Another feature of polysynthetic languages is commonly expressed as "the ability to form words that are equivalent to whole sentences in other languages". The distinction between synthetic languages and polysynthetic languages is therefore relative: the place of one language largely depends on its relation to other languages displaying similar characteristics on the same scale.

Many Amerindian languages can be considered polysynthetic. Inuktitut is one example, for instance the word-phrase: tavvakiqutiqarpiit roughly translates to "Do you have any tobacco for sale?".

Agglutinative languages

Agglutinative languages have words containing several morphemes that are always clearly differentiable from one another in that each morpheme represents only one grammatical meaning and the boundaries between those morphemes are easily demarcated; that is, the bound morphemes are affixes, and they may be individually identified. Agglutinative languages tend to have a high number of morphemes per word, and their morphology is highly regular.

Agglutinative languages include FinnishKoreanHungarianTurkish, and Japanese.

Morphological typology

Morphological typology is a way of classifying the languages of the world that groups languages according to their common morphological structures. First developed by brothers Friedrich von Schlegel and August von Schlegel, the field organizes languages on the basis of how those languages form words by combining morphemes. Two primary categories exist to distinguish all languages: analytic languages and synthetic languages, where each term refers to the opposite end of a continuous scale including all the world's languages.
Analytic languages
Analytic (or "isolating") languages show a low ratio of morphemes to words; in fact, the correspondence is nearly one-to-one. Sentences in analytic languages are composed of independent root morphemes. Grammatical relations between words are expressed by separate words where they might otherwise be expressed by affixes, which are present to a minimal degree in such languages. There is little to no morphological change in words: they tend to be uninflected. Grammatical categories are indicated by word order (for example, inversion of verb and subject for interrogative sentences) or by bringing in additional words (for example, a word for "some" or "many" instead of a plural inflection like English -s). Individual words carry a general meaning (root concept); nuances are expressed by other words. Finally, in analytic languages context and syntax are more important than morphology.
Analytic languages include some of the major East Asian languages, such as Chinese, and Vietnamese. Note that the ideographic writing systems of these languages play a strong role in regimenting linguistic continuity according to an analytic, or isolating, morphology.
Additionally, English is moderately analytic (probably one of the most analytic of Indo-European languages, while Afrikaans can be considered as the most analytic of all Indo-European languages). However, it is traditionally analyzed as a fusional language.
Synthetic languages
Synthetic languages form words by affixing a given number of dependent morphemes to a root morpheme. The morphemes may be distinguishable from the root, or they may not. They may be fused with it or among themselves (in that multiple pieces of grammatical information may potentially be packed into one morpheme). Word order is less important for these languages than it is for analytic languages, since individual words express the grammatical relations that would otherwise be indicated by syntax. In addition, there tends to be a high degree of concordance (agreement, or cross-reference between different parts of the sentence). Therefore, morphology in synthetic languages is more important than syntax. Most Indo-European languages are moderately synthetic.



The influence of Rhythm on the Distribution of Syllables

Every language has its own characteristic rhythm and one of the most difficult areas masters of the spoken form of a foreign language is that of rhythm. The rhythm is an art of the general look of how the speakers of their language speak it. It is intimately bound in with the whole muscular setting which characterizes the speakers of different languages- the way the head is held and moved during speech the way the lower jaw and tongue are held in relation to the upper jaw the great variety of bodily movement of different kinds which help us to identify speakers of different languages even without hearing them speak. It takes a great deal of confidence to be able to put aside the identifying muscular characteristics of one’s own language and adopt those of another, and very few teaching programs will find time to try to teach students to master anything so difficult. The rhythm in English is not just something extra, added to the basic sequence of consonants and vowels; it is the guide to the structure of information in the spoken message.
The rhythm of English is based on the contrast of stressed and unstressed syllables. If we watch an English speaker talking we will be able to see, without hearing what he is saying where the stressed syllables are. And the big muscular movements that he makes are in time with the stressed syllables. When he waves his arms, nods his head, raises his eyebrows, frowns, opens his haw mere widely, all this is done in time with the rhythm of speech. This is of course hardly surprising. All human physical activity which is extended in time tends to be rhythmical activity- breathing, walking, sewing, knitting, and swimming. There is a tendency for a rhythm to be established in speech. The rhythmic beat in English is the stressed syllable. These beats will coincide with other muscular beats of body. This unity of bodily rhythm and speech rhythm is particularly clearly seen in the case of the stutter who, when he gets stuck on an articulation, may enlarge some other muscular rhythm-nod his head or tap with his foot-in trying to reestablish the speech rhythm.
The stressed syllables and their accompanying muscular movements elsewhere in the body will tend to occur at roughly equal intervals of time but just as in other human activities: swimming for instance, some beats will be slightly early, some slightly late and some may be missing altogether. The more organized the speech the more rhythmical it will be. Thus, in general, prose read aloud by a fluent reader has a much more obvious rhythm than conversational speech which may be full of pauses and starts. Very fluent speakers, who can organize their thoughts well in advance of actually uttering them, also establish a far more obvious rhythm than those who have to search for the right word and keep trying to refine a thought while in the middle of expressing it. So we can say that there is a tendency to establish a rhythm. The rhythmic beat will consist of stressed syllables. Any unstressed syllables occurring between the stressed syllables will be compressed as far as possible in order to allow the next stressed syllables to come on the regular beat. In the following example each stressed syllables is underlined:
The electricity board stated that they would be obliged to consider the reintroduction of power cuts.
This example was read in the manner shown here by a radio news reader. Now it is quite clear that the stressed syllables are not divided by an equal number of unstressed syllables. We can show this by representing the stressed syllables by capital A-s and the unstressed syllables by small a-s.
aaaAaaAAaaaaaaAaaAaaAaaAaaAaAaA
In verse, and in press read aloud we have to take into account not only the spoken stressed syllables which mark the rhythmic beat but also the pauses at commas and full stops which are an integral part of the total rhythmic effect just as a rest is in music.
The face of the speaker will always give a visual clue to the stressed syllables. Even an impressive speaker who has very few obvious extraneous movements while he is speaking will make larger gestures with his jaw, and lips in producing the initial consonants and the vowels of stressed syllables than in producing unstressed syllables.
Stressed syllables are sometimes said to be pronounced with more “force” than unstressed syllables. “Force” must be interpreted in a very general way. Some syllables which are perceived as stressed are louder than the surrounding unstressed syllables but sometimes there is no measurable difference of loudness. Some stressed syllables are spoken on a higher pitch than surrounding unstressed syllables, but a sudden dramatic drop in pitch may have the effect of marking a stressed syllable. Any syllable on which the pitch of the voice moves perceptibly-whether the pitch rises or falls-will be perceived stressed. Any syllable which is markedly longer than the surrounding syllables will also be perceived as stressed. From the point of view of teaching production of stress, length is the variable that most students find easiest to control, and is a reliable marker of stress. Speakers of languages where each syllable is roughly equal in length would do well to practice producing English stressed syllables with a count of two on each stress as against one on unstressed syllables.
Concerning the terms of tendencies, the following tendencies will be observed:
(a)   Stops which are initial in stressed syllables will be pronounced with a moment of firm closure which completely obstructs the air stream. “Voiceless” stops will be followed by aspiration. Stops initial in an unstressed syllable will be weakly articulated- it may be that the closure will not be completely closed, resulting either in a very weak stop or a slightly fricative-sounding stop. Thus for the second stop in each of the words: Paper, baby, the lips may not form a completed.
(b)   Fricatives initial in a stressed syllable will have more friction and last longer than those initial in an unstressed syllable. For example the initial /s/ in ceasing will be more fricative and longer than the second.
(c)    Vowels in stressed syllables will have the qualities associated with them. For instance “round” vowels will have lip rounding and diphthongs will be diphthongized. The “same” vowels in unstressed syllables will be more obscure in quality, “round” vowels in unstressed syllables will not have lip rounding and diphthongs will not be diphthongized. For instance, when /і / in here is in stressed position, as in come here, the quality of the diphthong is clearly heard, but in unstressed position as in he comes her constantly, the /I / is pronounced as a sort of very obscure /e/.
It should be clear from this description that it is not sufficient simply to describe unstressed syllables in terms of the vowel / / and the “reduced” vowel [ i ] as is sometimes done. Not all unstressed vowels are reduced to these vowels, as we have just seen in our example, and the reduction in explicitness of pronunciation of the consonants is just as marked as the reduction of the vowel quality.
In general, stressed syllables will be marked by standing out in pitch against the surrounding unstressed syllables- either by the pith moving, or being higher or lower than the surrounding unstressed syllables, by being pronounced more distinctly.
Every word pronounced in isolation must bear a stress. Thus for example pronouns like he and who must be stressed when they are pronounced in isolation but when they are pronounced in sentences they are rarely stressed. In the sentences he called on the prime minister and the man who was found in the Shankill Road area was already dead, he and who will be unstressed except in the rare case when they are contradicting some previous remark as in He-not she-called on the prime minister. In all cases where “contrastive stress is not involved, nearly all grammatical words will lose their stress when they are combined together to form an utterance, whereas nearly all lexical word will keep their stress. Grammatical words are the words that show the relations between the parts of an utterance - conjunctions, prepositions, pronouns and so on. Lexical words are the words that carry the meaning of the utterance – nouns, main verbs, adjectives and adverbs.
The Function of stress then is to mark the meaning words, the information – bearing words in the utterance. Let’s consider the following sentences:
1.      The discharged prisoners’ aid society will be organizing a number of demonstrations.
2.      The meeting of the two prime ministers has had to be postponed.
3.      Areas in the west of Scotland escaped their expected electricity cut this morning.
There is no one way of reading these sentences – by stressing different words the “same” sentences are interpreted rather differently. There is however a number of words in each sentence which will have to be stressed no matter how the sentence is interpreted. In 1 discharged prisoners, aid, society, organizing, and demonstrations; in 2 meeting, prime ministers, postponed, 3 areas, west, Scotland will have to be stressed in any reading. In each case what is being talked about the subject of the sentences, and what is being said about the subject, must be stressed.

It is widely agreed that unstress is very difficult thing to teach. The difficulties arise for various reasons. In some languages each syllables and the notion on of linguistic stress is completely alien-it just does not apply in such languages. The difficulty is that a quite new linguistic concept has to be taught from scratch. For teachers who are accustomed always to ask a students for more of X and Y it is hard to have to start asking a student to produce loss, especially when it is harder to hear whether the obscure form is correct than it was to hear the explicit form was incorrect. It must be the heat-breaking experience of many teachers that in trying to persuade a student to produce an acceptable form for mother. They work hard on the dental / / and the vowel / /. The student produces a careful and slow /    /. It may be that a more satisfactory approach to the teaching of the production of correct stress patterns. Already many teachers use taped or record courses of stress exercises spoken by native speakers.

Rhythm as a Component of Intonation

Intonation is a complex unity of four components, formed by communicatively relevant variations in:
1.     voice pitch, or speech melody;
2.     the prominence of words, or their accent;
3.     the tempo (rate), rhythm and pausation of the utterance;
4.     voice-timbre, this complex unity serving to express adequately, on the basic of the proper grammatical structure and lexical composition of sentence, the speaker’s or writer’s thoughts, volition, emotions, feelings and attitudes towards reality and the content of the sentence.
Speech melody is the variations in the pitch of the voice which take place when voiced sounds, especially vowels and sonorants, are pronounced in connected speech. The speech melody is produced by the vibrations of the vocal cords.
Stress in speech (loudness) is the greater prominence which is given to one or more words of the same sentence. In English this greater prominence is achieved by uttering the stressed words with greater force of exhalation and muscular tension than the unstressed words, as well as by a change in pitch and an increase in the length of stressed syllables of words in the sentence.
The voice quality (timbre) is a special colouring of the voice in pronouncing sentences and shows the speaker’s emotions, such as joy, sadness, irony, anger, etc.
The tempo of speech is the speed with which sentences or their parts are pronounced. It is determined by the rate at which speech sounds are uttered and by the number and length of pauses. Closely connected with the tempo of speech is rhythm: the recurrence of stressed syllables at more or less equal intervals of time. Therefore, the tempo and rhythm of speech may be said to constitutive the temporal component of intonation. Each syllable of the speech chain has a special pitch colouring and bears a definite amount of loudness. Pitch movements are inseparably connected with loudness. Together with the tempo of speech they form an intonation pattern which is the basic unit of intonation.
Jones D. writes: “Intonation may be defined as the variations which take place in the pitch of the voice in connected speech, i.e. variations in the pitch of the musical note produced by the vibration of the vocal cords”. [Jones, 29]
Armstrong L. and Ward I. define intonation as follows: “By intonation, we mean the rise and fall of the pitch of the voice when we speak”. [Armstrong, 19]
As far as the intonational aspect of pronunciation is concerned a special attention must be drawn to the fact that every English expression should be pronounced with an appropriate kind of intonation in the sense that intonational contour should serve, first and foremost a particular syntactic purpose. In other words it should express either finality or non-finality in full accordance with the context.
Intonation has the following functions: [Dickushina, 134]
1.      Semantic function, for it determines the communicative type of  sentences,
2.      Grammatical function, for it determines the grammatical type of a sentence or a clause,
3.      Intonation enables us to express our emotions or our attitude to persons and things,
4.      Segmentational function, for it marks out syntagms  (sense-groups) thus making our speech intelligible.
It goes without saying that intelligibility is the most vital requirement in so far as human communication by means of language is concerned. “In phonetics intelligibility is a measure of how comprehendible speech is, or the degree to which speech can be understood. It is affected by spoken clarity, explicitness, lucidity, comprehensibility, perspicuity and precision”. (http//en.wikipedia.org/intelligibility)
It is common knowledge that speech is always split up into parts or segments. Here the segmentational function of intonation plays an important role.
Utterances are units of communication. It is therefore indispensable that the natural interruption in the flow of speech should occur at the end of sense-groups to bring out the purport of the utterance.
Hence we deal with the problem of juncture. Phonetically juncture is the cessation of voice enhanced by the prolongation of the preceding sound or sounds accompanied by a change in the intonational contour. Syntactically it is a kind of rhythmic-melodic cadence whose function consists in segmenting speech into sense-groups. A sense-group marked off by a juncture is called a Syntagm. The latter is coterminous with the breath-groups, being singled out in the flow of speech by pauses and other intonational means. e.g.
But still, | the two unprotected ones must be sheltered from him.
(“The Lost Girl” by D.H. Lawrence, Chapter 1, p. 14)
The syntagm has very important functions in a language and is an indispensable feature of intonation. Syntagms are distinguished in connected speech by significant pitch-patterns, at the same time, they are bearers of intonation. No pitch-patterns are possible without syntagms and no syntagms exist without pitch-patterns.
Incorrect syntagmatic division sometimes helps the speaker to understand the important role of pitch-patterns and syntagms. Thus, the syntagms play a very important role in a language, they are responsible for the syntactic structure of the sentence, as well as for the meaning they carry. [Dickushina, 140]
Speech is organized by rhythm. Rhythm seems to be a kind of framework of speech organization. Linguists sometimes consider rhythm as one of the components of intonation. D. Crystal (D.Crystal “Prosodic Systems and Intonation in English”, Cambridge, 1969) for instance, views rhythmically as one of the constituents of prosodic systems. Rhythm as a linguistic notion is realized, in lexical, syntactical and mostly in their combinations. For instance, such figures of speech as sound or word repetition, syntactical parallelism, intensification and others are perceived as rhythmical on the lexical, syntactical  and prosodic levels, e.g. “But the winter has chilled my veins, and the frost has nipped my buds, and the storm has broken my branches, and I shall have no roses at all this year”   (O. Wilde “The Nightingale and the Rose” 1891 ). In this example the syntactical parallelism of the homogeneous clauses is correlated with the identical prosodic contour of the intonation groups in phrase and is strengthened by the repetition of the conjunction “and”.
Speech production is naturally closely connected with the process of breathing. So speech activity as well as any other human activity is conditioned by physiological factors among others and is characterized by rhythm. From the materialistic point of view rhythm is one of the means of matter organization. The rhythmical arrangement of different phenomena of objective reality is presented in the form of periodicity, or tendency towards proportion and symmetry.
In speech, the type of rhythm depends on the language. Linguists divide languages into two groups: syllable-timed like French, and German, as well as Russian. In a syllable- timed language the speaker gives an approximately equal amount of time to each syllable, whether the syllable is stressed or unstressed and this produces the effect of even rather staccato rhythm.
In a stress-timed language, of which English is good example, the rhythm is based on a larger unit than syllable. Though the amount of time given on each syllable varies considerably, the total time of uttering each rhythmic unit is practically unchanged. The stressed syllables of a rhythmic unit are practically unchanged. The stressed syllables of a rhythmic unit form peaks of prominence. They tend to be pronounced at regular intervals no matter how many unstressed syllables are located between every two stressed ones. Thus the distribution of time within the rhythmic unit is equal.
Speech rhythm has the immediate influence on vowel reduction and elision. Form words such as prepositions, conjunctions as well as auxiliary and modal verbs, personal and possessive pronouns are usually unstressed and pronounced in their weak forms with reduced or even elided vowels to secure equal intervals between the stressed syllables, e.g.

Come and 'see me toˎmorrow.
None of them was 'any  ˎgood.  
Speech rhythm is traditionally defined as recurrence of stressed syllables at more or less equal intervals of time in a speech continuum. The unstressed syllables time between the stressed syllables. The greater is the number of unstressed syllables the quicker they are pronounced, e.g.

     'Jhon 'went 'back to London.
     'Jhon has 'gone 'back to London.
     'Jhon should have 'gone 'back to London.

These three sentences, each containing the same number of stressed, but a different number of unstressed syllables, are pronounced in the same period of time, although in the first sentence there is one unstressed syllable between the first two stressed syllables while in the last the same stressed syllables are separated by three unstressed syllables. A stressed syllable pronounced together with the unstressed syllables forms a rhythmic group. The stressed syllable is the prosodic nucleus of the rhythmic group. The initial unstressed syllables preceding the nucleus are called proclitics, those following the nucleus are called enclitics. In qualifying the unstressed syllables located between the stressed ones there are two main alternative views among the phoneticians. According to the so-called semantic viewpoint the unstressed syllables tend to be drawn towards the stressed syllable of the same word or to the lexical unit according to their semantic connection, concord with other words, e.g.

Negro Harlem │ became│ the largest│colony│of coloured people.

According to the other viewpoint the unstressed syllables in between the stressed ones tend to join the preceding stressed syllable. It is the so called enclitic tendency. Then the above-mentioned phrase will be divided into rhythmical groups as follows, e.g.
Negro Harlem │ became│ the largest│colony of │coloured people.

It seems that the enclitic tendency is more typical of the English language, though in the speech flow it sometimes difficult to define the borders of rhythmic groups. So the division into rhythmic groups is no easy matter. The rhythm-unit break is often indeterminate. It may well be said that the speech tempo and style often regulate the division into rhythmic groups. The enclitic tendency is more typical for informal speech whereas the semantic tendency prevails in accurate, more explicit speech. The most frequent type of rhythmic group includes 2-4 syllables, one of them stressed, others unstressed. In phonetic literature there is a great variety of terms defining the basic rhythmic unit, such as an accentual group or a stress group which is a speech segment including a stressed syllable with or without unstressed syllables attaches to it; a pause group- a group of words between two pauses, or breath group- which can be uttered within a single breath. The term “rhythmic group” used by most of the linguists implies more than a stressed group or breath group. A rhythmic group may comprise a whole phrase, like “I can’t do it” or just one word: “Unfortunately…” or even a one-syllable word: “Well…”; “Now…”. So a syllable is sometimes taken for a minimal rhythmic unit when it comes into play. Rhythmicality marks every text segment: rhythmic groups, intonation groups, phrases and phonopassages. The rhythmic effect of the text units is obtained by the prosodic parameters, the pitch of the voice, loudness, duration. In fact not only the actual pitch of the voice but its level and range, pausation and other phenomenal of a stretch of speech form rhythm constituents. The rhythm constituents vary not only in different rhythm units but also in different speech realizations, different linguistic activities.


Linguafranca

At international conferences or when politicians arrange sumit meetings one language is mostly English. French or Spanish is often used linguaFranca. It is defined as a language serving as a regular means of communication between different linguistic groups in multilingual speech community. In USSR Russian served as a lingua Franca. In the Arabic speaking world classical Arabic is used as a linguoFranca. 

Vernacular languages

The term vernacular refers to a language which has not been standardized and does not have official status. In multilingualcountries different tribal languages may refer to as vernacular languages. This variety is used for communication at home  and close friends and mainly has informal function. E.g. in Papua New Guinea Bunag is a vernacular language.

Natural languages and official languages

A natural language is the language of the political, cultural, social unit and it is used as a symbol of national unity. The official language by contrast is simply a language which may be used for government business. It's function is utalitarian rather than symbolic. In mono-lingual countries the same language serves both purposes. In multilingual countries there can be a distinction between a natural language and an official language. In Paraguay Guarani is considered to be national language and Spanish is an official language. In Tanzania the reverse is found. There is one national language, it is Swahili but two official languages: Swahili and English. In Zair there are 4 African languages as national languages and 1 official language: French. Because of its colonial history English is an official language in many countries, but interestingly English is not legally an official language of England, USA and Zeland. In New Zeland English is the official language of government and education but Maori is the only language that has been declared as an official language legally. In Wales the Welsh administration recognizes Welsh as a language of government and education but it has no official status in Britain.   

вторник, 13 мая 2014 г.

Proverbs and Sayings about Other Animals

An elephant never forgets People don't easily forget what you have done

To badger
 - to keep asking for something in an annoying way

To be cowed
 - to be made fearful and submissive

To have the lion's share
 - to have the largest share

To lionise
 - assign great importance to

Proverbs and Sayings About Rodents

To rat on someone - to tell tales about someone which will cause problems

rat-arsed
 - extremely drunk

rat run
 - a short-cut used by many people

Poor as a church mouse
 - very poor

Mousy
 - nondescript

Mousy Hair
 - nondescript brown hair

Quiet as a mouse
 - very quiet or subdued, saying nothing

Bats in the Belfry
 - eccentric or mad, touched in the head

Batty
 - mad, touched in the head

An Old Bat
 - an unpleasant old woman

To Squirrel Something Away
 - To hide something

To Rat on someone
 - To inform on someone or to break an agreement or promise

A Rat
 - An unpleasant person

To Smell a Rat
 - To suspect something untoward

Ferret Away
 - To hide something

Ferret Out
 - To dig something out or to find something